Abstracts / Introductions

Augustiniana 60(2010), 3-4

• Clemens WEIDMANN, Sermo Mai 10, Eine authentische Predigt des Augustinus? 60(2010)3-4, 173-192

Die kurze Predigt, Sermo Mai 10, hat seit ihrer ersten Edition nur wenig Aufmerksamkeit unter den Augustinusspezialisten gefunden. Während ihr erster Editor, Kardinal Angelo Mai, sie für echt hielt, schied G. Morin, der im Zusammenhang mit der Edition der "Sancti Augustini Sermones post Maurinos reperti" eine kritische Sichtung aller unter dem Namen des Augustinus gedruckten Predigten vornahm, die Predigt - wie den überwiegenden Teil der mehr als 200 von Mai edierten Sermones - als unecht aus: einiges erinnere zwar an Augustinus, die Predigt sei jedoch ungeschickt aus verschiedenen Teilen zusammengesetzt (Nonnulla quidem Augustinum sapiunt: sermo tarnen ex laciniis imperite colligatis uidetur esse conflatus). Morins Urteil, die Predigt
sei ein Cento, wurde ohne weitere Prüfung in patristische Standardwerke übemommen. Lediglich F. Dolbeau äußerte Zweifel an der communis opinio: da die Themen sehr augustinisch seien und strukturelle Anomalien letztlich auf einen ungeschickten Kompilator zurückgehen könnten, sei es nicht auszuschließen, dass die Predigt echt ist. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung soll die Frage der Authentizität anband einer quellenkritischen Untersuchung des Texts und einer Analyse der Handschrift, in der die Predigt überliefert ist, neu aufgerollt werden.

• Geert VAN REYN, Ad Christianam fidem pigrius movebatur (Conf. VII.xx(25)) : Alypius' more reluctant move to the Christian faith (compared to Augustine). Part. 2 : Between conversion and baptism 60(2010)3-4, 193-234

This second part investigates Alypius' understanding of his conversion to the Catholic faith between his conversion moment and baptism. Alypius' contributions in the Cassiciacum dialogues -for instance, his defence of the sceptic position, and his belief in the auctoritas Ciceronis- suggest that he was still very much moving within the context of traditional Roman ideology, having not yet fully grasped the radical nature of Augustine's conversion. Alypius'
rejection of the latter's Christian interpretation of Fortuna' s role (as gratia Dei) in man's life, and his resistance against including the name of Christ in their
writings are further signs that he was reluctant to fully submit to the Catholic faith. Only towards the end of the Cassiciacum stay -presumably after having
been further instructed by Augustine - Alypius seems to have become humble enough to do so, and to decide on baptism within the Catholic Church. The strong hold traditional ideology had on Augustine's friends, but also on himself, can be witnessed in how he tried to persuade his non-Catholic friends to follow his example. He thereby propagated his new Christian way of life as the final realization of an earlier failed attempt to live together in philosophy (otium liberale). Initially, he wanted to set up a kind of Christian philosophical community of likeminded friends in the intellectual milieu of Milan. This plan failed, mainly because of lack of (financial) resources, seeing that none of his friends (apart from Alypius, and later Evodius) could be persuaded to participate in it.

• Laela ZWOLLO, Plotinus' doctrine of the Λόγoς as a major influence on Augustine's exegesis of Genesis  60(2010)3-4, 235-261

One of the most commented passages in the Confessiones of Augustine is book VII, ix 13. In this part of his grand oeuvre, Augustine narrates that after having read a few Platonist treatises, he discovered there almost the same doctrine as in the prologue of the Gospel of John (1: 1-5). To explain Augustine's understanding of this comparison, several scholars have pointed out the similarities of Augustine's own doctrine of the Word of God (Verbum Dei) as Creator, with the hypostasis of the Intellect (Nous) of Plotinus. In my view, these scholars have failed to take the influence of the Plotinian Λόγoς, into serious consideration. I will show in this paper that numerous significant points of agreements can easily be detected between Augustine's doctrine of the Verbum Dei and the Plotinian Λόγoς. On the basis of my conclusions, it is plausible to infer that the Plotinian Λόγoς was a major influence for Augustine's creation doctrine. This will be the subject of my final evaluation.

• James V. JIRTLE, Using music well : reassessing perception in Augustine's De musica  60(2010)3-4, 263-281

Augustine's treatise On Music (De musica) is one of the earliest examples of interdisciplinary engagement between Christian theology and music, but has received relatively little scholarly attention. This is partially explained by the judgment that De musica's treatment of both disciplines, while rigorous, is conventional and uninspired. As Jamie James writes in a popular history of the 'Music of the Spheres' (New York : Copernicus, 1991, p. 71), De musica 'is not studied much nowadays, even by Augustinian specialists. The common wisdom about the work is that it is tedious and derivative'. While James is certainly right that much of De musica's dense prose draws on other musical and theological sources, it would be surprising if nothing new had been generated in the process. In this paper, we will attempt to identify unique features in Augustine's account through comparison with both Classical theories of musical perception and his earlier theological works. We will then turn to modern interpretations of De musica, using our conclusions to determine whether any unique features may have been consistently overlooked.

• Willigis ECKERMANN (osa), Angesicht und Gestalt Jesu in der Vita Christi des Michael von Massa († 1337) 60(2010)3-4, 283-300

Walter Baier († 1994) hat festgestellt, dass Ludolf von Sachsen den Libellus de uita Jesu Christi des Michael von Massa ganz übernommen und in sein umfangreiches Werk Vita Christi eingearbeitet hat. Diese Entdeckung rief zwar anfangs einige ablehnende Reaktionen hervor, wurde aber inzwischen von den meisten Wissenschaftlern akzeptiert. Der früh verstorbene W. Baier äußerte den Wunsch, die Werke Michaels und Ludolfs in kritischen Editionen vorzulegen. Diese seien angebracht, da der Text beider Autoren eine breite Wirkung erzielte und für verschiedene Disziplinen von Bedeutung sei. Michaels Schrift hat nicht nur als selbständiges Werk Verbreitung gefunden und seine Wirkung ausgeübt, sondern auch in der Verschmelzung mit Ludolfs Leben Jesu eine große Leserschaft gefunden. Die Texte haben Emeuerungen in der Kirche angestoßen und dienten zahlreichen Menschen als geistliche Lektüre und Betrachtungshilfe. Diese Gründe veranlassen mich, eine kritische Edition des Libellus de uita Jesu Christi des Michael von Massa durchzuführen.

Augustiniana 60(2010), 1-2

• Mathijs LAMBERIGTS, Augustine's use of tradition in the controversy with Julian of Aeclanum  60(2010), 11-61

During the Second Pelagian Controversy, Julian of Aeclanum accused Augustine of having invented the doctrine of original sin. Julian considered this doctrine as a Manichaean, North African invention that threatened the orthodoxy of the Church and misled the faithful. Often, Julian complained about the fact that the discussion at stake had never been the subject of a council, consisting of erudite and well informed people. In his reply, Augustine made ample use of his predecessors, both from the East and the West, in order to show that the doctrine he defended was in line with what had been taught by the Catholic Church always and everywhere throughout its history. Especially in the books I-II of his Contra lulianum he tried to offer an extensive dossier in order to answer the objections made by Julian. Also in his other works against Julian, Augustine would appeal to his predecessors but he never did it in such a detailed way. Augustine first and foremost emphasized the absolute priority of Scripture, the source of truth par excellence. The predecessors are described as faithful interpreters of Scripture and as people who have taught what they have learned in the Church: they are first children of the Church and then teachers in the same Church. This article further offers a survey of the way in which Augustine presents his predecessors, showing Augustine's strategic choices, his motives, and his unequal familiarity with his predecessors. Augustine possesses less than basic knowledge about bishops such as Reticius of Autun, but shows to be well inf01med about people like Cyprian and Ambrose. Much attention is paid to the way in which Augustine tries to refute Julian's accusations by either referring to texts of his predecessors or their authority. Augustine stresses that these predecessors defend the same faith, at least with regard to the essentials of the truth. All are worthy to be members of the board of judges, Julian was asking for. They held their positions long before the outbreak of the controversy and they can in no way be accused of Manicheism. Indeed, some already held these positions before Manicheism came into existence. He regularly makes clear that these authorities were held in high esteem by Pelagius, the "father" of the heresy. Further, he repeats time and again that accusations against Augustine in fact should be read as accusations directed against his predecessors. Finally, the article pays attention to the way Augustine replied to the critique that he misled the common people: the common people, better than Julian, are familiar with the truth as taught by the Church. At the same time he warns the reader that these simple faithful can easily become victims of Pelagian tactics.